Would the lustrous elements of the Kakwa boy who was deficient in formal education but ruled Uganda for nine years, be reflected in one of his grandsons, a rapper? It appeared not on first sight.

The wiry and glum-faced Abbass Hassan Muhammad Ibrahim Amin was wearing wrinkled black leather boots that could do with some mending at the cobbler's. But when he introduced himself, it was with a burst of energy tinged with characteristic assertiveness that was known to strike fear in the hearts of those who knew his grandfather well.

"I'm Nubian and one of the grandchildren of the late Idi Amin Dada," he thundered. "My name is Ugly." Looking him over: The not-so-shapely big nose, lips and rough outlook brought him closer, physically, to his own description. "Don't raise your eyebrows," he said, "Ugly stands for "U gotta love yourself!"

The self-loving 25-year-old is the only son of Hassan Amin and Aisha Ibrahim Rajabip. His father, who shares a mother with Taban Amin was an air force soldier in the 70s and died in 1986. His mother, a business woman, stays in Kibuli.

Ugly won't say more but readily talks about the good his grandfather did."People shouldn't just say that Amin was terrible. They are supposed to see what he did. He liberated the country from mental slavery whereby we did think that it was only the Asians to run our economy. But now move around Kampala; it's we the Ugandan people running our own economy," he said.

Ugly is alluding to the 1972 "economic war" in which Amin expelled about 80,000 Asians and handed over their businesses and properties to the locals. It disturbs Ugly a lot that his blood relation with Idi Amin is affecting his music career: "I would have gotten a promoter by now but for my association with my late grandfather. A gentleman came to me and said, 'I would have helped you because I like your music but the problem is because of this.'"

"But you know you can never run away from yourself. I mean I'm Amin's blood and there's no way I can run away from that. I'm composing a song that will make people accept me and forget about the bad side [of Amin]; why have beef with a dead person; when someone is gone, whether he was a murderer or a thug, we just have to look at the positive side and move on."

Moving on is what Ugly is doing through hip-hop, a lifestyle began at inter-school music contests during his early formative years in Nairobi.

He returned home in 1997 after Standard eight at Mashimoni Primary School and attended Kololo High School, and later on Kololo SSS to study Physics, Chemistry and Biology (PCB). "I would be a doctor by now but I was very crazy, which resulted in poor academic performance prompting me to do a diploma in counselling rather than studying medicine at university," he says. It's not that Ugly has any regrets, after all he counsels using hip-hop.

In Break Through, for example, he warns against drugs: "As a teenager, drug abuse nearly wrecked my life; we used to sniff shoe gum just to be high...I was taken to a rehabilitation centre in Nairobi and when I came out, I said I was not going to do drugs any more because drugs destroy."

Ugly's music, done in many languages is reminiscent of Bongo Flava from Tanzania (and Kenya). "I rap in Nubi because I'm Nubian; I rap in Swahili so that I can be embraced in East Africa; and in French because when I go to Kigali, I can easily be welcomed."

His is what is called conscious rap; focusing on the suffering of street children, ethnic rivalries, poverty, a poor education system, unemployment, crime, insecurity, child labour and how these weigh heavily on society. He also preaches hard work, reassurance, togetherness and love.

In Una Nubi, he implores Nubians to come from their hideouts and accept their identity. And in Cing-Cing, he uses the symbolism of a beautiful bird that has left him, to tell a true story of how his girlfriend left him because of the attention he was giving hip-hop.

As the man behind Arise Hip-hop Uganda with its membership of over 70 youths, Ugly is determined to help hip-hop culture find acceptance in Uganda, and also guide young people to keep away from drugs, alcohol and sex. "We are moving to schools and to NGOs like Naguru Teenage Centre advocating, as Barack Obama says, "change we can believe in" and the only change for the young people that Arise Hip-Hop Uganda is coming up with is captured under one theme: Rise up and move on," he says.

Ugly performs and emcees at the Hip-hop Night at Sabrina's Pub on Tuesday nights. When he hit the stage last Tuesday, clad in a black T-shirt with a scary monster plastered on it, Ugly roused the audience with a magnetic performance of his militaristic hit, 999. He has also found time to write a movie script titled Ugandan Hustler.

"What's the right way to hustle?" he asks, "Should we steal? No. Should we work? Yes. But how should we work? cientifically, the definition of work is force times distance. So that person who gets a metal bar and hits someone and goes away with the money, is working. But it's wrong work which we can never embrace as Arise Hip-hop Uganda."

In 2030 or after, Ugly will be playing politics because, "I'll be a little older and wiser and Hon. Amama Mbabazi and President Yoweri Museveni would have retired!" For now, he'll do with his circumstances, not minding his weathered boots as he directs Arise Hip-hop Uganda, cuts more CDs and labours towards the reunification of the Idi Amin fraternity. Then his reward will be a royal Nubian Crown, should there be such a thing!

Interestingly, when Hon. Augustine Ruzindana, the first Ombudsman under the NRM government, and who was with Mr Museveni throughout the FRONASA struggles disagreed with him on matters of discipline and leadership, he said that Mr Ruzindana was after all not a historical of NRM.

It is a contradiction in terms to disqualify Dr Besigye as not being a historical because he wasn't a member of FRONASA. Even those who were in FRONASA have been disowned by Mr Museveni.

Museveni's definition of an NRM historical is flawed in many respects.

First, there was no organisation or group called NRM in 1971 nor had it been born in 1982 when Dr Besigye is said to have joined the bush struggle. NRM was conceived late in 1982 when Prof. Yusufu Lule's Uganda Freedom Fighters (UFF) and other struggling forces merged with the Museveni-led Peoples Resistance Army (PRA).

Dr Besigye and many other comrades Museveni repeatedly denigrates had joined and were therefore part of the mid-wifery that delivered NRM in early 1983. Therefore if they are not NRM historicals neither is Mr Museveni!

Second, upon capture of state power in 1986, a list of NRM historicals was prepared and those named, including Dr Besigye, became automatic members of the first National Assembly under Museven's regime. None the less, all those who took part in the formation of NRM and participated in its activities but were not for one reason or the other recognised as historical are for all intents and purposes NRM historicals in their respective rights. They do not need Museveni's clearance.

Being a historical member of NRM does not, and should not, depend on Museveni's whims and perception. It is not a qualification or title one loses immediately he or she disagrees with him. Mr Museveni gives a checkered impression that in order to continue holding the historical membership card, one must remain in agreement with his ideals however backward or bankrupt they may be.

If we were to take FRONASA days or UPM times as a basis of determining NRM historicals, then top on the list would be politicians like Mr Yona Kanyomozi and Prof. Ephraim Kamuntu who were also instrumental in the formation of UPM in 1980 before joining UPC when Mr Museveni was controversially elected UPM president. At that time UPM was formed, FRONASA was already defunct.

Mr Museveni's latest definition is his futile attempt at rewriting history. It is a distortion of historical facts, shameful and undermines his political ranking.

Mr Museveni has never accepted the political notion that disagreements in politics are healthy and that those who disagree are not necessarily enemies. In any case, there are no political enemies. Friction is always the force behind any movement. It is better to disagree than agree and all be wrong. Once a historical always a historical! Historians shall, without bias, correct this distortion.

Mr Museveni's desire, driven by insatiable love for power, has always been to be taken as the only architect of the 1970-86 struggles against dictatorship in Uganda. Yet Uganda is where it is today because of combined efforts of many people including the peasants of Luwero, the churches, mosques, the women, the youths including even those who were a target of such struggles.

To avoid this, Otafiire said, the kingdom should not engage in partisan politics.

Otafiire was speaking during a consultative meeting with the Buikwe district steering committee at Buikwe sub-county headquarters last Thursday.

The minister urged Buganda to use peaceful means to regain what was still under the Government (ebyaffe).

"I have never found very patient people like the Baganda. But if Buganda is demanding anything from the Government, it is ideal that peaceful means are used."

Otafiire told the steering committee led by Moses Lwanga that running a district was not easy.

"The President wrote to me to grant Buikwe a district status. I couldn't resist but the biggest challenge for districts today is raising local revenue. They also have to contend with hatred and mudslinging arising from different political ideologies."

The Cabinet, he added, had already approved the district, but its operationalisation was to be ratified by the NRM parliamentary caucus. Buikwe district was curved out of Mukono.

Lwanga said the new district would be made up of 11 sub-counties and three town councils.

"We are not demanding a district status to gain employment. "We want to bring social services nearer to the people. Mukono has failed to do this," he said.

Trade minister Janat Mukwaya and MPs Lulume Bayiga, William Nsubuga, Norman Muwulize and Nalugo Sekiziyivu attended the meeting at Buikwe sub-county headquarters.

Descendants of Prince Mukama Namutukula from Bunyoro who form the Abaise Ngobi should take note that before the arrival of Mukama in Northern Busoga in the 16th century, many clans had settled and formed Busoga in the 14th century. So the rule of Baise Ngobi over Busoga is disputable hence the challenge to the Kyabazingaship.

The Busoga monarch has never been a creation of the Basoga and it cannot serve the interests of Basoga. The Isebantu institution stemmed from the works of Semei-Kakungulu on behalf of the British.

Kakungulu, a Muganda, wanted to be crowned King of Busoga as a puppet of the British colonial government. He had been sent to Busoga as a reward for his humiliating capture of King Mwanga of Buganda and Omukama Kabaleega of Bunyoro. The British preferred to call Kakungulu the president of the Busoga's Lukiiko. This did not go down well with Kakungulu who was aware that the British colonial government was grooming Yosia Nadiope, the Chief of Bugabula, to be the first king of Busoga.

Yosia Nadiope was at Kings College Budo. Kakungulu got frustrated and resigned. Unfortunately, Yosia Nadiope (father of Wilberforce Nadiope) died of malaria in 1913, the same year Kakungulu resigned.

Upon the end of the Kakungulu administration in Busoga, the Basoga felt they should have a unifying figure of the chiefs of Busoga.

The contenders included Nadiope's family. The other contenders were Chief Ezekiel Tenywa Muloki of Bulamoji and Gideon Obodha of Kigulu. Because Wilberforce Nadiope, was an infant and could not take the thrown Obodha was untested in the British ways of administration, Tenywa Muloki, the Zibondo of Bulamoji, emerged the only viable candidate in 1919. Thus Muloki (father of Henry Waako Muloki) became the first Kyababazinga of Busoga on the basis that the seat would rotate among all chiefs.

He was crowned Kyabazinga in 1939 and allowed to move to Butembe. Tenywa Muloki was on the pay roll of the British colonialist. He received an annual income of 550 pounds and the rights to tax the people of Butembe. Zibondo retired in 1949 and Wilberforce Nadiope was elected Kyabazinga for two consecutive three-year terms. In 1955, Nadiope reign ended and Henry Waako Muloki took over the throne.

Politics took the better part of the institution. Muloki's family became sympathetic to DP and Wilberforce Nadiope, the Chief of Bugabula, became a UPC supporter who at one time was vice president of Uganda when Obote was prime minister.

Nadiope used his powers and with the help of Obote passed a parliamentary Act that restored him as Kyabazinga, arguing that no Musoga should be above the vice president.

He later fell-out with Obote and was imprisoned until Idi Amin freed him. He died shortly after. Muloki had become a civil servant with the Ugandan government. He only claimed the Kyabazingaship when he could no longer perform his duties as a civil servant due to old age.

The Isebantu institution has not developed because of the conflicts between these two families as well as their respective counties of Bulamoji and Bugabula. With UPC in charge, Nadiope had the better part of it. Following the defeat of UPC, the Muloki family warmed up for the seat. The results have been bitter. The other chiefs who never entered politics were marginalised. The rotation system was abandoned that the Isebantu has almost become synonymous with the two families of Muloki and Nadiope.

No Isebantu has nurtured and developed the institution. The former Bugembe regional headquarters were developed by the chief administrative secretaries of Busoga.

The last prominent of whom was the murdered Balunywa (father to Prof. Balunywa of MUBS). My father (the late Zakayo Kasadha) and Ifuba were the two deputies of the regional administration to Balunywa.

Through taxation, they built the headquarters of Busoga which then comprised of Iganga, Kamuli and Jinja. Namasagali College, Wanyage Girls School and Kiira College Butiki were also constructed. The administrative secretary reported to the district commissioner who was an appointee of the central government.

The Isebantu was just ceremonial. That is why Nadiope was able to serve as Kyabazinga while he was vice president of Uganda. Bec ause of this a ceremonial home on top of the Igenge Hill, a few kilometres from the Bugembe seat was built. It is not clear whether any of the chiefs ever occupied the Igenge Hill. The house was raided during the war that overthrew Idi Amin. That is the only house that was allocated to the Isebantu institution.

Basoga need not be robbed by an institution that does not represent their interests. The properties should be distributed among the districts of Iganga, Jinja and Kamuli that formed the regional government of Busoga at the time.

The other newly created districts can be compensated by going to the headquarters where they belonged during the Busoga regional government. Busoga has grown beyond the eleven clans and has over 30 clans with many born to non-Basoga families.

Therefore, Basoga should vote on the institution of Kyabazinga. They should be asked whether they are interested in the Isebantu institution or not. If they vote "Yes", the tax payers should contribute to the development of the institution.

Clan leaders of all clans in Busoga should be eligible candidates. Should the answer be "No" the claimants of the Isebantu throne who are positioning themselves for favours from the central government should keep quiet to allow elected leaders at various levels of local councils to develop Busoga.

The writer is a Political Scientist and Development Practitioner Southern New Hampshire University, USA